KUALA LUMPUR – The political differences that led to Indonesia’s former president being expelled from his party have been brewing for years.
The question is, to open or not to open?
Firing a hugely popular sitting president could backfire. The leadership of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) has noticed the presence of Joko Widodo sympathizers within the party. Factional strife is the death knell of the party.
Furthermore, firing Jokowi before this February’s presidential election would be an unwise move.
For nearly 18 months, PDI-P had to bite the bullet.
But on December 17, Komaruddin Watubun, chairman of the party’s Honorary Committee, announced the expulsion of Jokowi, his son Gibran Rakabuming Raka, and son-in-law Bobby ·Bobby Nasution and 27 others.
The dice have been cast. Political observers now expect tensions between Jokowi and the party to escalate to new levels.
Jokowi did not take his dismissal lightly. After all, he is the first former Indonesian president to face such an insult.
Komaruddin made it clear at the media conference announcing the expulsion that PDI-P chairman and former president Megawati Sukarnoputri signed the latter’s expulsion order.
The progression of this statement came to a head when Jokowi, anticipating his own expulsion, commented that the PDI-P was “parti perorangan” (personal part). Most likely, he was referring to Megawati personalizing the party.
Soon after, Secretary-General Hasto Kristiyanto appeared on the popular political podcast run by Akbar Faizal, claiming that Jokowi personally directed the 2023 campaign against presidential candidate Aziz. Anies Baswedan for corruption investigation.
His criticism of Jokowi expected the worst. Sure enough, on December 24, the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission announced that Hasto was a suspect in a corruption case involving Harun Masiku, another PDI-P staunch supporter. Discuss who is responsible!
After his dismissal, PDI-P committee executive Didi Yefri Sitorus claimed that Jokowi planned to usurp Megawati’s position at the party’s national congress next May and use his The influence has divided the party’s factions.
This appeared to confirm Megawati’s earlier claims that there was a conspiracy to prevent her from seeking re-election.
Some people held banners calling for Megawati to step down and accused the Indonesian political powerhouse of being unpopular.
The demands are seen as a systematic smear campaign by certain factions within the party aligned with Jokowi.
Jokowi was called “Malim Kundang” by Megawati. Malim Kundang is the Indonesian version of the Malaysian Si Tanggang folktale. It tells the story of an ungrateful son, with themes of disobedience, disobedience and betrayal.
In 2005, the PDI-P bet on a timber businessman to become mayor of Solo. In 2012, Megawati and the People’s Democratic Party once again supported Joko’s candidacy for Jakarta governor. He won beautifully.
Less than two years after becoming governor, he ran for president and defeated the better-known Prabowo Subianto. He did it again in 2019.
Jokowi’s political advantages are unique, and his style is unheard of in Indonesian politics.
He is an ordinary “Pakistani” who became President. His famous blusukan (going deep into the people) approach was deeply loved by the common people.
No wonder his approval ratings during his time in office were among the highest among democratic leaders in the world.
But power changed him—and dramatically.
By the time Jokowi became president for the second time, he had become an enemy of civil society, intellectuals, academics, writers and the arts.
He is accused of orchestrating a political dynasty involving his two sons Gibran and Khassan Pangalep and his son-in-law Bobby.
Gibran is Indonesia’s youngest vice-president, Kassan was appointed chairman two days after joining the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), and Bobby won the governorship of North Sumatra province in hotly contested regional elections in November. Many believe democracy has been subverted and the rule of law compromised.
Ultimately, it is Jokowi’s disregard for the party that supports him that creates so much anxiety.
PDI-P has selected its 2024 presidential and vice-presidential candidates – Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD. But Jokowi had other ideas.
Prabowo needs Jokowi to win. So when he teamed up with Gibran, Indonesia’s fate was sealed.
Before that can happen, however, Jokowi needs to clear a major hurdle.
The Constitution stipulates that candidates for president or vice president must be 40 years or older. Gibran was 36 years old at the time.
The Constitutional Court, led by Jokowi’s brother-in-law Usman Anwar, ruled 5-4 that the age requirement could be lowered, clearing the way for Gibran to run.
This sparked a storm of protests and Usman was found to have breached ethics rules and was dismissed by the Constitutional Court’s ethics committee. But the court’s decision is final.
Indonesians cannot be blamed for comparing Gibran to the likes of Mohamed Hada, Adam Malik, Sudarmono, Terry Sutrisno, BJ Habibie, Megawati and Yusuf Kalla. Accusations – all these legends have been vice presidents.
Many believe that the dismissal of PDI-P will have little impact on Jokowi, Gibran and Bobby. Morally speaking, this is another dent in Jokowi’s checkered political career. He won’t be walking off into the sunset any time soon. Jokowi is not only a problem for the HDP, but also for Prabowo.
The author is an avid observer of Indonesian politics. The views expressed here are his own.
